Atlanta
to Savannah: The March to the Sea
Shermanıs
Georgia Campaign (the proper name for his famed ³March to the Sea²) can be
viewed as simply an extension of his Atlanta Campaign, which began in the
northwestern mountains in May, 1864. His original goal of cutting the critical
transportation and manufacturing center of Atlanta off from the rest of the
Confederacy having been met by early September, Sherman pondered what to do
next. One of his earliest thoughts was to strike southwest towards LaGrange and
West Point, while Union forces stationed in Mobile and Pensacola marched north
to meet him, opening the Chattahoochee and Apalachicola rivers to Union
control.
Another
considered then rejected plan was to strike towards the state capital at
Milledgeville, then turn on Macon, Augusta, and ³sweep the whole State of
Georgia,² but concern over the still undefeated CSA Army of Tennessee just
outside Atlanta gave him serious pause. His primary concern was that his supply
line snaked through a relatively narrow defended corridor over 100 miles to the
north in Chattanooga, and from there another 130 miles north to the main Union
base at Nashville. Both the Confederate Army of Tennessee under CSA Major
General John Bell Hood and CSA Major General Joseph Wheelerıs Cavalry Corps up
in Tennessee threatened to cut off this supply route at any given time.
Researching
population and agricultural records for every county in Georgia, Sherman
finally concluded that his 60,000 plus men could live off the land for a short
time, giving opportunity to join a Union army somewhere along the Atlantic
coast. Under great pressure to send his army south to rescue Union prisoners at
the notorious Camp Sumter prisoner of war camp near Andersonville, Georgia,
Sherman admitted that going down the Flint River to accomplish this would
probably be the safest course of action. However, he had objectives other than
simple safe military maneuver.
Shermanıs
grand army had simply walked into the contested city after Hood had abandoned
it during the night of September 1, 1864. Hood, in one of his many rash
decisions, had sent his entire cavalry force north to strike at the Union
supply lines in Tennessee, leaving him without scouts to report on what his
Union opposite was up to. Sherman, learning of the poor tactical decision, took
advantage of the situation by shifting part of his forces to the south of
Atlantaıs defense belt, and cut the single remaining railroad supply line into
the city, near Jonesboro. Hood, left without means of supply or reinforcement,
and faced with the prospect of a protracted siege, took what opportunity was
left and snuck his remaining combat forces out of the cityıs defense under
cover of dark.
Rather
than face the small but combat-hardened veterans of Hoodıs army at their new
defense lines near Lovejoy Station, Sherman elected to simply march his army
into the city and take over the strong belt of fortification himself. Hood,
faced with the prospect of bleeding his army dry against the very fortification
they had built, decided instead to take his army north, cut the Union supply
line, and try to starve Sherman out.
Sherman
had some interesting problems to deal with, other than the roaming Confederate
army at his gate. The extensive line of fortifications built by Confederate
engineers and slaves around Atlanta was simply too large for his huge army to
fully man, so he ordered his own engineers to tighten it down to a smaller ring
of artillery emplacements defended by trenches for infantry. The nearly 30,000
civilians still within the city troubled him, for he did not wish to ³waste²
any of the mountains of supplies flowing down from Chattanooga on the
noncombatants.
On September 8, Sherman announced one of his most
controversial orders of the war, ³The city of Atlanta, being exclusively
required for wartime purposes, will at once be evacuated by all except the
armies of the United States.² All civilians would be transported under flag of
truce 10 miles south to Rough and Ready, then unceremoniously dumped in the
unprepared area without provision for shelter or food.
Needless
to say, this act provoked a howl of protest from Confederate civilian and
military authorities. Hood stated in a letter to Sherman, ³permit me to say
that the unprecedented measure you propose transcends, in studied and ingenious
cruelty, all acts ever brought to my attention in the dark history of war.²
Mayor James M. Calhoun of Atlanta protested that the majority of citizens left
were old, infirm, women and children, and could not stand up to the coming
winter without shelter or food. In a letter to Sherman he wrote that the act
was ³appalling and heartrending.²
Sherman was not impressed. In a lengthy reply to
Hoodıs letter, he reiterated his intentions and blasted Hood for suggesting it
was anything truly unusual:
³In the name of common sense, I ask you not to appeal to a just God in such a sacrilegious manner. You, who in the midst of peace and prosperity have plunged a nation into war, dark and cruel war, who dared and badgered us into battle, insulted our flag, seized our arsenals and forts that were left in the honorable custody of a peaceful ordnance sergeant, and seized and made prisoners of war the very garrisons sent to protect your people against negroes and Indians...Talk thus to the Marines, but not to me...if we must be enemies, let us be men, and fight it out as we propose to do, and not indulge in such hypocritical appeals to God and humanity.²
Sherman had no intention of changing his orders, and
on September 10 the first wagonloads of civilians left Atlanta. Hood was beside
himself with the barbarity of Shermanıs actions, and just couldnıt leave it be
without a parting shot. ³We will fight you to the death,² he wrote back to
Sherman, ³better die a thousand deaths than submit to live under you.²
By
October 1, Sherman finally made up his mind where to go next. Ordering USA
Major General George H. Thomas back to Chattanooga with two corps to defend
Tennessee, he began stripping down his remaining army to a hand-picked fighting
force of 55,255 infantry, 4,588 cavalry and 1,759 artillerymen with 68 guns
organized into four army corps. Writing a series of letters to his friend and
commander, Lieutenant General Ulysses S. Grant, back in Washington, he outlined
his planned offensive, ³Until we can repopulate Georgia (with Unionists), it is
useless for us to occupy it; but the utter destruction of its roads, houses,
and people will cripple their military resources...I can make this march and
make Georgia howl.² He further advised that he was sending his wounded and
unfit soldiers back up to Tennessee, ³and with my effective army, move through
Georgia, smashing things to the sea.²
Shermanıs
only real worry was that the few good roads and frequent stream and river
crossing in southern Georgia could allow the remains of Hoodıs army and small
bands of Georgia militia and home guards to delay his advance to an unhealthy
degree. Unwittingly, Hood himself helped relieve some of this concern, with a
renewed offensive against Shermanıs rear.
Realizing
that there was no way his battered army could ever hope to take Atlanta back by
force, Hood, with Confederate President Jefferson Davisı blessings, marched his
troops out of camp near Palmetto northwards, hoping to cut Shermanıs supply
lines north of Atlanta and force him to turn and fight him there. Crossing the
Chattahoochee River near Campbellton on October 1, he continued north for two
days, finally encamping near Hiram. CSA Major General Alexander P. Stewart was
ordered to move east and attack and cut the Western & Atlantic Railroad
line at Big Shanty (now Kennesaw), Acworth and Allatoona.
Stewartıs
men surprised and captured about 170 Union troops at Big Shanty on October 4,
then quickly moved north and captured a larger garrison at Acworth. Flushed
with these easy successes, Hood personally ordered CSA Major General Samuel G.
French to take his division on up the tracks and capture and destroy the bridge
and railroad cut at Allatoona Pass. Hood was under the impression that the pass
was only lightly held, as the two previous rail stops had been. However,
Sherman had made the tiny settlement on the south side of the deep railway cut
into a central base of logistical operations, had it heavily fortified and
ordered another division under USA Brigadier General John M. Corse forward to
garrison it. On both peaks over the 90 foot deep railroad cut heavily
reinforced emplacements had been built. The westernmost set of peak defenses
was dubbed the Star Fort, because of the arrangement of railroad ties
surrounding it.
French divided his force and approached Allatoona
from the north, west and south. Once all were in position, he rather arrogantly
sent Core a terse message,
³Sir: I have the forces under my command in such positions that you are now surrounded, and, to avoid a needless effusion of blood, I call upon you to surrender your forces at once, and unconditionally. Five minutes will be allowed for you to decide. Should you accede to this, you will be treated in the most honorable manner as prisoners of war.²
Corse
was somewhat less than impressed. 15 minutes later he replies, ³Your
communication demanding surrender of my command, I acknowledge receipt of, and
respectfully reply, that we are prepared for the needless effusion of bloodı
whenever it is agreeable with you.²
French wastes no time, sending CSA Brigadier Generals
Francis M. Cockrellıs Missouri Brigade and William H. Youngıs (Ectorıs) Brigade
assaulting from the west. Both push through the first line of defenses, then
the second, then through a third line of defense, all the while fighting
hand-to-hand with clubbed rifles and bayonets. Advancing to within a few feet
of the Star Fort, the fighting rapidly intensifies, with the Confederate
advance finally being stopped before it could overrun the fort. Finally, with
warnings coming from outposts that a Union force had been spotted moving
rapidly towards the battle area, French disengages and marches his depleted
force west to rejoin Hood.
All
through the day long battle, a Union signal post at Kennesaw Mountain sent a
message to Corse, ³General Sherman says hold fast; we are coming.² This
message, which popularized the expression, hold the fort, Iım coming,ı was
nothing more than a moral booster, for Sherman did not order any additional
infantry to the area until the next day, and none arrived until two days later.
The forces spotted by the Confederate side were apparently just cavalry on a
scouting mission.
Casualties
in the brief, little remembered battle were exceptionally high (one, admittedly
biased, local historian said it was the ³bloodiest battle of the war²), with
Corse reporting 706 dead and wounded, and French also reporting 706 (including
70 officers), about 30 percent of either sides total force. Young himself was
wounded just outside the fort and captured shortly afterwards. Corse reported
that he, too, had been wounded in a message to Sherman, ³I am short a cheek
bone and an ear but am able to lick all hell yet!² When Sherman came up later,
he was unimpressed with the severity of his wounds, ³Corse, they came damn near
missing you, didnıt they?²
The
battlefield is accessible from Interstate 75 north from Atlanta, take exit 122
(Emerson-Allatoona Road), turn right (east), and go about 2 miles to the Pass
area. On the way, you will cross over a set of railway tracks, which are the
modern relocation of the tracks the soldiers were fighting over.
Nearly
all the area covered by the battle is today heavily overgrown or equally
heavily developed, and the east side of the battlefield is under the murky
waters of Lake Allatoona. The dug railroad gap is heavily overgrown and it is
difficult to get a clear picture of the tactical situation, but at least one
period structure remains. The Mooney House, the yellow and white tin-roofed
structure in the sharp curve in the road at the pass entrance was used as a
field hospital during the battle, and can be seen in a well-known photograph of
the area taken just after the battle by George M. Barnard. A small marker next
to the houseıs mailbox indicates the location of a mass grave of soldiers who
died in the hospital following the brief battle; it is now partially covered by
the road and driveway.
There
is a small parking area with two historic markers across the street from the
Mooney House, which indicate quite well the 1864 layout and tactical situation.
One contains a fair reproduction of the Barnard photo, which gives landmarks
still visible today. The Star Fort still exists, although overgrown and in
deteriorating condition on top of the left peak of the railway cut. A warning,
both the fort and the Mooney House are private property and not open to the
public, please be respectful and observe them from the parking lot. The eastern
redoubt, on top of the right peak, is on U.S. Army Corps of Engineers property,
and can be accessed by a steep, partially overgrown path just inside the
entrance to the pass walking north.
Following
the decisive loss at Allatoona Pass, Hood elected to continue north, hitting
the Union garrisons at Rome, Resaca, Dalton and Tunnel Hill before turning west
into Alabama. Sherman initially sent a force of some 40,000 men chasing after
him, but soon wearied of the endless pursuit. Hoodıs strategy here is
uncertain, but if it was to keep Sherman bottled up in northern Georgia, it
both succeeded and failed. When Hood slipped away after the Union troops
deployed for battle at Lafayette (just south of the Chickamauga battlefield) on
October 17, Sherman remarked that Hoodıs tactics were ³inexplicable by any
common-sense theory...I could not guess his movements as I could those of
Johnston.² After a total of three weeks of chasing the fast-moving CSA Army of
Tennessee, Sherman ordered his forces to return to Atlanta and prepare for a
march to the south.
Warned
by Grant that Hood was taking his army north into Tennessee and threatened his
supply lines, Sherman remarked, ³No single force can catch Hood, and I am
convinced that the best results will follow from our defeating Jeff Davisı
cherished plan of making me leave Georgia by maneuvering.²
At
the same time, Davis was begging Hood ³not to abandon Georgia to Sherman but
defeat him in detail before marching into Tennessee.² Hood replied back that it
was his intent to ³draw out Sherman where he can be dealt with north of
Atlanta.² In his postwar memoirs, Hood clung to this unrealistic stance and
hopes of defeating both Sherman and Thoması powerful force in Tennessee:
³I conceived the plan of marching into Tennessee...to move upon Thomas and Schofield and capture their army before it could reach Nashville and afterward march northeast, past the Cumberland River in that position I could threaten Cincinnati from Kentucky and Tennessee...if blessed with a victory (over Sherman coming north after him), to send reinforcements to Lee, in Virginia, or to march through gaps in the Cumberland Mountains and attack Grant in the rear.²
Hood
continued his march north, and Sherman, upon hearing the news, couldnıt have
been happier. ³If he will go to the Ohio River, I will give him rations.² Just
before Hoodıs eastward ranging cavalry cuts the telegraph lines, Sherman sends
one last message to Grant:
³If I start before I hear from you, or before further developments turn my course, you may take it for granted that I have moved by way of Griffin to Barnesville; that I break up the road between Columbus and Macon good and if I feign on Columbus, I will move by way of Macon and Millen on Savannah; or if I feign on Macon, you may take it for granted I have shot toward Opelika, Montgomery and Mobile Bay, I will not attempt to send couriers back, but trust to the Richmond papers to keep you well advised, I will see that the road is completely broken between the Etowah and the Chattahoochee, and that Atlanta itself is utterly destroyed.²
Content with his plans, happy about Hood being over a
hundred miles to his rear and with his army primed and ready for action,
Sherman has but one task left before turning his attention on gaining the sea
before winter sets in.
Planning
to begin his march out of Atlanta southwards on November 16, Sherman issued
orders that anything of military value in the city be destroyed before they departed. Giving the task
over to his Chief of Engineers, USA Captain Orlando M. Poe, Sherman intended to
render useless anything even remotely related to manufacturing, transportation
or communications. Poe took this order and applied it quite liberally, without
any objection from Sherman. Starting on the afternoon of November 11, block
after block was set afire, the contents being pillaged and looted beforehand by
large gangs of drunken Union soldiers and sober Southern citizens alike.
Above
Atlanta, Sherman gave orders that anything of ³military value² be destroyed by
his troops gathering for the march south. Rome, Acworth and Marietta were all
consigned to the torch, and soon little was visible of the once pretty small
towns but heaps of smoldering ruins and lonely chimneys standing like pickets.
To
conduct his destruction more efficiently, Poe had devised a new machine,
consisting of a 21-foot long iron bar, swinging on chains from a 10-foot high
wooden scaffold. With a gang of soldiers to move and swing it, it was a
devilishly clever way to knock down whatever struck his fancy. The railroad
roundhouse, factories, warehouses, residences and masonry buildings of all
description were soon reduced to piles of rubble. Under other buildings Union
soldiers piled stack of mattresses, oil-soaked wagon parts, broken fence rails
and just about anything else that would burn. Atop everything they piled
artillery shot and shells abandoned by Hoodıs retreating army. In a touch of
irony, sentries were then posted to prevent ³unauthorized² acts of arson.
Finally
ready to move out, Sherman ordered Poe to start the fires late on the afternoon
of November 15. Within a few minutes the ³authorized² fires had been set, at
first confined to factories and warehouses containing Hoodıs abandoned
supplies. An early evening wind soon built up the fires, and spraying sparks
and burning cinders in every direction, the fires spread like, well, wildfire.
Pleased by the sight of the soon out-of-control fires raging through the city,
Sherman was moved to remark only that he supposed the flames could be visible
from Griffin, about 45 miles to the south.
As
a sort of explanation to his staff, who were starting to view the wanton
destruction with unease, Sherman remarked,
³This city has done more and contributed more to carry on and sustain the war than any other, save perhaps Richmond. We have been fighting Atlanta all the time, in the past; have been capturing guns wagons, etc. etc., marked Atlanta and made here, all the time; and now since they have been doing so much to destroy us and our Government we have to destroy them, at least enough to prevent any more of that.²
As
the huge fire built and built, block after block literally exploded into flame,
the thick smoke choking the Union soldiers who clapped and danced with glee
among the ruins, barely waiting until the flames died down to start their
looting and drunken revelry once again. What initially escaped the ³authorized²
fires did not escape these undisciplined wretches away from their officers, who
helped spread the flames by burning homes and businesses to cover up their
crimes. In the midst of the chaotic riot, the 33rd Massachusetts Regimental
Band stood, calmly and righteously playing, ³John Brownıs Soul Goes Marching
On.² USA Major George Ward Nichols, Shermanıs aide-de-camp, remarked without a
hint of sarcasm that he had ³never heard that noble anthem when it was so
grand, so solemn, so inspiring.²
Other
Union soldiers and officers viewed the destruction differently, remarking that
the burning and looting of private property was not necessary, and a
³disgraceful piece of business.² Another summed up the view more widely held by
their Confederate opponents, ³We hardly deserve success.²
As
the flames died down overnight, dawn on November 16 revealed that over 4,100 of
the 4,500 buildings in town had been leveled by the flames and rioting Union
troops, including every single business. Sherman mounted his horse, Sam, and
slowly led his men out of the ruined city, bound for Savannah and the Atlantic
ocean.
³The
wild adventure of a crazy fool²
With
the ³business² in Atlanta taken care of, his men up and ready and prospects of
an easy adventure before them, Sherman orders the march out of the city to
begin. The 60,598 Union soldiers were deployed in two huge columns, sometimes
called wings.ı On the morning of November 15, USA Brigadier General Alpheus
Williamsı XX Corps headed off to the due east through Decatur, headed toward
Augusta, USA General Peter Osterhausı XV Corps and USA General Frank Blairıs
XVII Corps formed the right column under overall command of USA Major General
Oliver O. Howard, and moved southward toward Macon. Early on the morning of
November 16, USA Major General Jefferson C. Davisı XIV Corps moved out behind
Williamsı Corps. The two pronged attack was designed to fool Confederate
defenders into thinking that Augusta and Macon were the targets of the separate
wings, and force them to divide their already inadequate forces, while the two
columns would then swing south and east and converge on the Georgia capital of
Milledgeville.
To
oppose the Union juggernaut was a pitiful handful of mostly irregular troops;
CSA Major General Gustavus W. Smithıs (Combined) Georgia Militia, the battered
remnants of the Georgia State Line- freshly arrived after leaving the march
north with Hoodıs army, a few home guardı and hastily organized local militia
groups, and the remnants of CSA Major General Joseph Wheelerıs Cavalry Corps.
All told, less than 8,000 men were available to try and stop Sherman, most of
whom had never fired a rifle in combat before.
About
7 AM on the morning of November
16, Sherman rode his horse slowly
out of the bombarded, burned out hulk of a once thriving city along with the
vanguard of his XIV Corps, down the dirt road leading towards Decatur and Stone
Mountain. Stopping briefly, he turned to take another look at the scene of his
greatest triumph and some of his greatest sorrows. From his vantage point he
could barely make out the copse of trees where his close and beloved friend,
USA Major General James Birdseye McPherson, had been shot and killed on July
22. Setting his battered hat back on his head, and unwrapping another cigar to
chew on along the way, he sets his horse to a walk and leaves the city without
uttering a word to anyone. In his memoirs, he remarked,
³Then we turned our horsesı heads to the east; Atlanta was soon lost behind the screen of trees, and became a thing of the past. Around it clings many a though of desperate battle of hope and fear, that now seem like the memory of a dream...There was a devil-may-careı feeling pervading officers and men, that made me feel the full load of responsibility, for success would be expected as a matter of course, whereas, should we fail, this march would be adjudged the wild adventure of a crazy fool.²
Marching
Through Georgia
Both
columns moved out of Atlanta, proceeding initially almost due east and south
separately, with almost no opposition. Following Shermanıs orders to the letter
and spirit, nearly everything of any value that they encountered was
confiscated or burned, and assigned work gangs destroyed most of the railroad
tracks. The rails were lifted and the crossties pulled out from under them,
piled high and set afire, then the rail were held over the burning ties until
they were glowing red hot, then twisted and bent into unusable pretzel shapes
called ³Shermanıs bow-ties.²
The
only Confederate opposition to the first part of the march was scattered
elements of Wheelerıs cavalry, in a series of small to moderate size skirmishes
between Rough and Ready (10 miles north of Jonesboro; now called Mountain View)
and East Macon.
Almost
without opposition the two huge columns moved through central Georgia, their
flankers, skirmishers and foraging parties creating a nearly 60 mile wide path
of destruction as they went. Slocumıs left wing moved like a blue buzzsaw
through Stone Mountain, Lithonia, Conyers, Social Circle and Madison before
encountering any resistance to speak of. At Buckhead (a small town, not the
Atlanta suburb), Confederate sharpshooters caused a relative handful of
casualties before being driven off; Sherman ordered the town totally burned to
the ground in reprisal.
Howardıs
right wing had moved more in a southeasterly direction, hoping to give the
impression that Macon was their destination. Moving through McDonough and
Locust Grove, Howard ordered a turn more to the east at Indian Springs, to
close in tighter with the left wing and head more directly to Milledgeville. By
November 20, the closest flanks of both wings were within 10 miles of each
other, and just a days march from the Georgia capital.
East
of Macon
From
the start of the march, USA Brigadier General Judson Kilpatrickıs 3rd Cavalry
Division had ridden to the far right of Howardıs massed columns, ordered to
travel south as close to Macon as he dared, tearing up the railroad tracks as
he went, and then to close up again near Milledgeville. On November 20, he had
a brief skirmish with Wheelerıs cavalry just east of Macon, quickly driving the
Confederates back into the line of entrenchments surrounding the city.
The
next day, a single regiment, USA Captain Frederick S. Laddıs 9th Michigan, was
sent to assault the small industrial town of Griswoldville, 10 miles east of
Macon. Moving in without resistance, the cavalrymen soon destroyed most of the
buildings in town, including the railroad station, a pistol factory and a
candle and soap factory. As they mopped up, USA Colonel Eli H. Murraysıs 1st
Brigade settled in for the night about two miles to the east.
The
Capital City
As
the right wing set up just to their south, Slocumıs left wing made ready to
enter the Georgia capital. By November 19, it became obvious that the capital
was Shermanıs real target, and pandemonium erupted. The Georgia Legislature was
then in session, and upon hearing of the danger, promptly sprang into action. A
law was quickly passed requiring every physically able male citizen to join in
the armed resistance to the Union invasion, exempting only themselves and
sitting judges from the noble sacrifice. Turning to issues of a more immediate
nature, they then authorized expenditure of $3,000 in public funds to hire a
train to carry themselves, their families, their furniture and their baggage to
safety.
Georgia
Governor Joseph Emerson Brown acted in an equally heroic manner. Stripping the
Governorıs Mansion of everything that wasnıt nailed down (and a few things that
were), he fled Milledgeville at a high rate of speed. Not far behind was the
trainload of politicians from the legislature, who left with a scant more
dignity, actually pausing long enough to announce they were heading ³for the
front² before setting off in the opposite direction.
Civilians
were equally panicked, but most lacked access to tax money to use to flee the
city. A.C. Cooper, a local resident who had left Atlanta on Shermanıs approach
in July, later wrote about the effect of Sherman on the horizon:
³Reports varied; one would be that the enemy would be upon us ere long, as a few bluecoats had been seen in the distance,and we women were advised to pack up and flee, but there was blank silence when we asked, ³Where shall we flee?²...Hurry, scurry, run here, run there, run everywhere. Women cried and prayed, babies yelled...dogs howled and yelped, mules brayed.²
Late
in the night of November 21 the first Union cavalry scouts entered the city,
followed the next afternoon by the vanguard of the Union left wing, both
without encountering the slightest act of resistance. Moving down Greene
Street, officer of the XX Corps ordered the men into parade march, and with the
bands playing selections of northern patriotic tunes, made their way to the
steps of the Capital building. With the bands sarcastically playing Dixie,² a
large U.S. flag was raised on the buildings tall flagpole.
As
their men fanned out to see what they could steal in the city, officers amused
themselves by occupying the recently deserted seats in the state legislature.
In a high spirited debate, the issue of secession was once again banded about,
and promptly voted down. Sherman, who rode into town the next day, said that he
³enjoyed the joke.²
Griswoldville
As
Shermanıs officer were amusing themselves playing politician in the legislative
chambers, things were a bit more subdued just to the south. At dawn on November
22, Wheelerıs cavalry suddenly struck Murrayıs encampment. A short but furious fight ensued,
ending when reinforcements from USA Colonel Charles C. Walcuttıs 2nd Brigade
rushed to Murrays aid. Together they pushed the Confederate cavalrymen back
through the burned-out town of Griswoldville, before breaking contact and
returning to their original positions, where they heavily entrenched atop a
small, wooded ridge.
The
previous day CSA Lieutenant General William J. Hardee, commander of the
Confederate forces facing Sherman,
had become aware that the Union forces were bypassing his location at
Macon, and made the assumption that they were heading towards the critical
supply and manufacturing depot at Augusta. A hastily assembled force was pieced
together around CSA Major General Gustavus Woodson Smithıs four regiments of
the Georgia Militia and ordered to move out post haste to protect the river
city.
Besides
the four brigades of Georgia Militia, the small task force contained CSA Major
Ferdinand W.C. Cookıs Athens and Augusta Local Defense Battalions; CSA Captain
Ruel W. Andersonıs four gun Light Artillery Battery; and the decimated ranks of
the combined two regiments of the Georgia State Line under CSA Lieutenant
Colonel Beverly D. Evans. With the exception of the State Line, which had been
in near continuous combat since May 29, the overwhelming majority of the
command were the archetypical old men and boys,ı this force representing the
literal bottom of the barrel for reinforcements.
By
Hardeeıs direction, CSA Colonel James N. Willisı 1st Brigade, Georgia Militia,
along with Cookıs command left early on the morning of November 22 bound for
Augusta via the road to Griswoldville, to be followed later that same day by
the remaining commands. Hardee left at the same time for Savannah, to help
prepare itıs defenses, and Smith elected to remain in Macon to do
administrative chores, leaving command of the task force to the senior officer
present, CSA Brigadier General Pleasant J. Philips. As they left Macon, quite a
few in the ranks remarked about how much Philips had been seen drinking that
morning.
As
Philipıs command moved out, Howardıs entire right wing was also on the move,
swinging a little more to the south and heading straight towards Griswoldville.
The
Battle
Philips
left Macon with the main part of his command and marched steadily on, arriving
just outside Griswoldville just after noon. There he found Cookıs defense
battalions drawn up into a defensive perimeter, having spotted the
well-entrenched Union lines just up the road.
Despite
his explicit orders from both Hardee and Smith not to do so, Philips ordered
preparations for an attack. Arranging his men perpendicular to the railroad
tracks on the east side of town, CSA Brigadier General Charles D. Andersonıs
3rd Brigade, Georgia Militia, was placed on the left, just north of the tracks.
CSA Brigadier General Henry K. McKayıs 4th Brigade was placed on Andersons
right, just south of the tracks, and Philipıs own 2nd Brigade (now commanded by
CSA Colonel James N. Mann) moved in reserve to the rear of McKay. Evanıs State
Line troopers moved forward in the very center as skirmishers, and Cookıs small
battalions took the extreme right of the line. Captain Andersonıs battery set
up just north of the tracks near the center of the line.
Facing
Philipıs small command was Walcuttıs strong 2nd Brigade, 1st Division, XV Corps,
consisting of no less than seven reduced-strength Infantry regiments (the 12th,
97th and 100th Indiana, 40th and 103rd Illinois, 6th Iowa and 46th Ohio), two
cavalry regiments (5th Kentucky and 9th Pennsylvania), and Captain Albert
Arndtıs Battery B, 1st Michigan Artillery. In all, about 4,000 mostly
ill-trained and poorly equipped Georgia troops faced about 3,000 well armed,
well entrenched and combat hardened veteran Union troops.
About
2:30 PM Philips ordered an all-out assault, and the ragged force began moving
smartly across the open field towards the Union entrenchments. USA Major Asias
Willison of the 103rd Illinois wrote in his after-action report what happened
next:
³As soon as they came within range of our muskets, a most terrific fire was poured into their ranks, doing fearful execution...still they moved forward, and came within 45 yards of our works. Here they attempted to reform their line, but so destructive was the fire that they were compelled to retire.²
While most of Philipsı
militiamen were being blown apart behind them, the State Line charged up the
slope towards the Union position, only to be thrown back to the wooded base.
The State Line charged several more times, meeting the same result, until Evans
was seriously wounded and all retired from the field.
Most
of the militiamen never got closer than 50 yards to the Union position, but
bravely held their ground and returned fire until dusk. Philipsı ordered a
retreat off the field then, and the shattered ranks limped slowly back into
Macon. Left behind were 51 killed, 422 wounded and nine missing. The Union
lines were never in any real danger of being breached, but losses amounted to
13 killed, 79 wounded and two missing in the brief fight. Walcutt himself was
among the wounded, and had to be carried off the field during the engagement,
replaced by USA Colonel Robert F. Catterson.
Sherman
Drives On
With
the pitiful remnants of Philipsı command safely back inside Maconıs defense by
2 AM on November 23, there was literally nothing standing between Sherman and
any path he might choose to take next. That morning he issued new orders for
all four corps to march east, the southern wing to head straight down the
Georgia Central Railroad tracks towards Millen, while the northern wing and
attached cavalry were to follow roads on the north side of the tracks. Their
target was Camp Lawton, sometimes called Magnolia Springs, to rescue the
estimated 11,000 Union prisoners recently brought there from Andersonville.
Early
on the morning of November 24 the grand march resumed. Strangely, Milledgeville
was left relatively intact, although all the government buildings, libraries
and some churches were ransacked and desecrated, and once again anything of
value went along with the blue-suits.
Confederate
resistance to this part of the march was nearly non-existent, and what did show
up was grossly outnumbered. A good example is the defense of the Oconee River
bridge near Oconee, where a force of exactly 186 men, the remnants of three
separate commands, stood ready to keep Sherman from crossing. Even with nearly
1,000 cavalrymen from Wheelerıs command backing them up, over 30,000 Union
soldiers moved like a blue tidal wave down the road to crush them. Fortunately,
cooler heads prevailed, and the tiny command was withdrawn before it made
contact.
Sherman
still today has a reputation as a thief and firebug in certain parts of
Georgia, and this section of the grand march is where it was earned. All along
authorizedı foraging parties had scoured the countryside, collecting food for
both soldiers and animals, and ³jesı a lilı² booty for themselves while they
were at it. With military opposition nearly non-existent, and no doubt with the
blessings of many veteran officers, roving gangs of ³bummers² roomed the
countryside, casually stealing or destroying whatever caught their fancy. A 40
mile wide path between Milledgeville and Millen was stripped down nearly to the
roots, one traveler who crossed this area shortly after Shermanıs passing
remarked that they saw everything down to and including fence posts either
taken or burned.
The
destruction the Union troops were creating started to disturb many Union
officers, although Sherman himself wasnıt among them. His attitude was that the
Georgians had forcedı him to sponsor such actions by virtue of their
secession, and that he only regretted that he hadı to do such acts. The
situation deteriorated so much at one point that even Shermanıs blindly
admiring aide, USA Major Henry Hitchcock, noted in his memoirs that ³I am bound
to say I think Sherman lacking in enforcing discipline.²
Blairıs
XVII Corps arrived in Millen completely without resistance on December 1. USA
Brigadier General Judson Kilpatrickıs 3rd Cavalry Division, moving rapidly to
the north on Shermanıs personal order, arrived at the site of Camp Lawton on
November 27, after a fierce resistance by Wheelerıs cavalry, only to discover
that the Union prisoners had been moved again, this time to a rude camp near
Blackshear, near Waycross in deep southeast Georgia.
Sherman
entered Millen on December 3 with the rest of his army. Deeply angered that he
had been unable to rescue the POWs, he issued orders to march directly on
Savannah beginning the next morning, and took out his wrath on the small town
as they left. In a classic understatement, he mentioned in his memoirs, ³I
caused the fine depot of Millen to be destroyed, and other damage done...²
The
Last of the March
Leaving
Millen on the morning of December 4, all four corps marched directly towards
Savannah and arrived nearly unmolested on the outskirts of the city between
December 10 and 12. Along the way, two separate Confederate defenses were
mounted, with what remained of the Georgia Militia and the Georgia State Line
supplemented by Wheelerıs cavalry and some local defense forces, both on both
occasions their commanders elected to withdraw in the face of such overwhelming
Union opposition.
Savannahıs
defenses were formable, stretching over 13 miles from the Savannah River to the
Little Ogeechee River, and manned by a little under 10,000 men, the bare
remnants of every militia and state defense force that could be scraped
together. In addition, over 50 artillery pieces with a fair supply of
ammunition sat in the ring of strong earthwork fortifications.
Sherman
had a serious problem by this time, his supplies of food and clothing were
running critically low, and there was nothing much in the surrounding salt
marshes and swamps that he could send foraging parties out for. He desperately
needed to make contact with the Union Navy lying just off the coast, but the
two possible river approaches were both guarded by powerful Confederate
fortifications. Needing the supply line open and opened fast, he personally
ordered USA Brigadier General William Babcock Hazen to take his 2nd Division
(XV Corps) down to the Ogeechee River 14 miles below Savannah, assault and take
the Confederate fort there, and open the river to the Union Navy.
Ft.
McAllister
Fort
McAllister, on Genesis Point guarding the entrance to the Ogeechee River, had
been designed by Major John McCrady, Chief Engineer for the State of Georgia,
in the late spring of 1861. Ordinarily, a massive masonry fort like Ft. Pulaski
or Jackson east of Savannah would be desirable, but these were both time, money
and manpower intensive projects, none of which he had available.
Instead
he settled on a star-shaped, four gun emplacement earthwork fort with walls 20
feet tall and 17 feet thick, originally intended to be equipped with four
32-pounder smoothbore cannons. The walls originally only faced the river, and a
large earthen bombproofı stood behind the gun emplacements, to serve as a
hospital. On June 7, 1861, the DeKalb Rifles, Company A, 1st Georgia Infantry
Regiment under CSA Lieutenant Alfred L. Hartridge was sent in to build and man
the structure.
Having
an infantry company build and man an artillery post strikes one as an odd move,
but the relative few trained cannoneers were needed at posts where actual
combat was expected. At backwater posts like Ft. McAllister, infantry companies
were customarily sent in to while away the war years.
Hartridgeıs
men did a very good job, clearing away the thick forest for a mile behind the
fort site, to provide clear lanes of fire, and almost immediately setting about
building up and improving the design.
Ft.
McAllister in Combat
By
the time of Shermanıs arrival, the earthwork fort had both been tripled in size
and assaulted without success some seven separate times by Union gunboats. The
DeKalb Rifles had long since departed for hotter action to the north, and a new
commander had taken over, CSA Major George W. Anderson. The garrison now
consisted of about 230 men of the Emmet Rifles and the Georgia Reserves, along
with real artillerymen of CSA Captain Nicholas B. Clinchıs Georgia Light
Artillery Battery.
The
post by this time looked quite different, having been expanded into a five
sided fort 650 feet long and 750 feet wide, with a dry ditch studded with
sharpened stake abatis surrounding it. More and heavier artillery had been
brought in; two 32-pounder rifled guns, three 10-inch Columbiads, and three
8-inch Columbiads guarded the river approaches. To guard against expected
infantry attacks, a rear wall slightly smaller than the front wall had been
built and 12 field artillery pieces mounted atop it. To complete the armament,
a 10-inch Tredegar Seacoast Mortar was mounted just outside the main defense
walls.
The
reluctant decision to make the post an earthwork arrangement proved most
fortuitous. Ft. Pulaski, a few miles to the north and long regarded as a
impregnable guardian of the northern approaches to Savannah, had been breached
by heavy rifled cannon fire on April 11, 1862, and surrendered after a mere 30
hours of shelling. With that single action, the thousand year era of the heavy
masonry fort came to an end. The earth walls of Ft. McAllister were nearly
impervious to incoming fire, however, the walls either deflecting or
swallowing upı the Union artillery fire. Even if a shell buried deep in the
earth before exploding, repairing the crater was a simple matter of shoveling a
few wheelbarrel loads of dirt back in it.
Hazenıs
Approach
Shermanıs
choice of the West Point graduates division to assault the Confederate fort was
not a random one; not only had Hazen proven to be a capable and brave
battlefield commander, but the 2nd Division was the same that Sherman himself
had commanded at Vicksburg and Shiloh, one in which he ³felt a special pride
and confidence.² Hazen was ordered to take the fort as soon as possible, and he
left the morning of December 13, marching rapidly down the old Hardwicke road
(now Ga. 144).
Shortly
after noon, Hazen reached the causeway leading out to the fort, and promptly
captured the lone Confederate sentry posted there, CSA Private Thomas Mills.
After his capture, Mills revealed that his unit had placed torpedoesı, or
buried shells that exploded when stepped on, all along the soft sand causeway.
Hazen ordered his men to immediately search for and dig up the land mines,
delaying his approach to the fort.
By
the time the road was made safe and the rest of his command came into line, it
was after 4:30 PM. Leaving nine regiments behind as reserves, Hazen moved the
other nine regiments forward until they were arrayed in a semi-circle around
the isolated post, but no closer than 600 yards out. Confederate guns opened
up, but with little effect. Union skirmishers ran forward, closing to within
200 yards of the fort, and began a damaging fire on the gunners. One of the
forts major weaknesses was the fact that all the guns were mounted en
barbetteı, or up on the top of the ramparts, leaving the gunners exposed to
rifle fire.
The
Battle for Ft. McAllister
Sherman,
watching the action from atop a rice mill across the river, was nearly beside
himself with impatience. As the afternoon wore on and dusk approached, he had a
signal sent over to Hazen, ³You must carry the fort by assault to-night, if
possible.² A few minutes later a reply came back, ³I am ready and will assault
at once!² At 4:45 PM Hazen ordered a general assault to begin.
As
the Union infantry sprang to the feet and began moving towards the fort at the
double-quick, a furious rain of fire came from both sides. Moving up close to
the ramparts, the Union men had almost entered the outer defense bands when
huge explosions rocked the earth; more torpedoesı had been buried all around
the fort in the soft sand, making them nearly impossible to spot. Forcing their
way forward despite the deadly mines and deafening cannon fire to their front,
the 47th Ohio quickly gained the west wall and began running down it, looking
for an opening to enter the fort. At the far northwestern corner they
discovered that the line of abatis stopped above the high-tide mark (it was
then low-tide), and they quickly ran through the opening and up onto the
ramparts.
Almost
at the same moment the 70th Ohio and 111th Illinois regiments pushed through
the tangle of fixed defenses and appeared atop the ramparts nearby, and the
fight quickly escalated into a vicious hand to hand brawl. The Confederate
garrison refused to surrender, even in the face of such overwhelming odds. As
each artillery position was overrun, the cannoneers continued to resist with
ramrods swung as clubs and even just their fists, until bayoneted or beaten to
the ground by the swarming blue masses. Each bomb-proof emplacement had to be
taken individually, and the fight ended only when every last Confederate was
killed, wounded or beaten into submission. Hazen stated in his after-action
report, ³...the line moved on without checking, over, under and through abatis,
ditches, palisading and parapet, fighting the garrison through the fort to
their bombproofs, from which they still fought and only succumbed as each man
was individually overpowered.²
Although
the whole action took only 15 minutes to complete, the fight was somewhat more
than the Union soldiers had expected. The resistance of Clinch was typical:
³When [Clinch was] summoned to surrender by a Federal captain [USA Captain Stephen F. Grimes of the 48th Illinois], [he] responded by dealing a severe blow to the head with his sabre. (Captain Clinch had previously received two gun shot wounds in the arm). Immediately a hand to hand fight ensued. Federal privates came to the assistance of their fellow officer, but the fearless Clinch continued the unequal contest until he fell bleeding from eleven wounds (three sabre wounds, six bayonet wounds, and two gun shot wounds), from which, after severe and protracted suffering, he has barely recovered. His conduct was so conspicuous, and his cool bravery so much admired, as to elicit the praise of the enemy and even of General Sherman himself.²
Anderson
had to know that his position had no hope of reinforcement from Hardeeıs troops
inside Savannah, nor did he have any real chance of stopping Hazenıs men from
taking his post. However, in the archaic Southern fashion, he stood his ground
and resisted until their was no-one left standing. In his after-action report
he noted, ³The fort was never surrendered. It was captured by overwhelming
numbers.²
With
the fall of Ft. McAllister, the March to the Sea for all practical purposes
ended. By 5 PM Sherman was able to signal the route was clear to a Navy steamer
already coming up the river with badly needed supplies. Losses were high for such
a short fight, with Hazen losing 24 killed and 110 wounded, and Anderson losing
17 killed, 31 wounded and all the rest made prisoner.
Savannah
As
soon as news reached Hardee of the fall of Ft. McAllister, he knew that holding
onto Savannah would be futile, and began making preparations to evacuate his
army into South Carolina. His engineers immediately set about making a series
of pontoon bridges from the foot of West broad Street across the series of
tidal rivers to Hardeville on the South Carolina border. This escape route ran
along the narrow top of Hugerıs Causeway (roughly the route that U.S. Highway
17 follows today). Thick layers of rice straw was put over the wooden planks of
the bridges, to deaden the sound of wagon and gun carriage wheels. All was
ready by December 19, and everyone impatiently awaited Hardeeıs order to leave.
Meanwhile,
back on the siege line, Union gunners had kept up a steady drumbeat of fire on
the city since setting up on December 10. Shermanıs engineers built a series of
large, well fortified gun emplacements for the large siege cannon they expected
to receive via the Navy in short order, and most began settling in for what was
expected to be another long stand.
On
December 17, Sherman sent a rather harsh note across to Hardee demanding his immediate
surrender, warning that he had plenty of large guns and ammunition, and that
unless quarter was given he would ³make little effort to restrain my army
burning to avenge the great national wrong they attach to Savannah and other
large cities which have been so prominent in dragging our country into civil
war.²
Hardee,
obviously bidding for a little more time, replied the next morning that he
refused to surrender, and made threats that if Sherman carried out his threats
to ignore the conventions of war and carry out unrestrained rape and pillage,
then he would ³deeply regret the adoption of any course by you that may force
me to deviate from them in the future.² For the time, this was a rather crude
and uncivilized exchange of threats, and both not only knew it, neither was
actually fully prepared to back them up.
To
cover up his planned movement, Hardee requested what help was available from
the Confederate Navy, and sent three regiments of infantry to reinforce
Wheelerıs cavalry up on the line. Late on the afternoon of December 20, the
Confederate ironclad Savannah
steamed upriver a bit and began lobbing shells at the Union positions. As
darkness fell, every heavy artillery position began shooting up what was left
of their ammunition supply, heavy shells raining down with some accuracy on the
Union positions for over two hours.
While
the shot, shell and cannister rounds kept the Union troops heads down, Hardee
began his retreat out of the city. All the field guns that could be moved left
first, while work gangs set the remaining boats afire at their moorings. When
the big guns ammunition ran out, their crews spiked the barrels and watered
down the remaining gunpowder in the magazines. CSA MAjor General Ambrose R.
Wrightıs Division was the first to leave, about 8 PM, followed by CSA Major
General Lafayette McLawıs Division two hours later, and Smithıs Georgia Militia
at 11 PM.
Acting
as the rear guard, the Georgia State Line, now under command of CSA Colonel
James D. Wilson, stayed in their skirmish line, and along with Wheelerıs
cavalry, kept up a steady fire towards the Union lines. When a signal rocket
flared up about 1 AM, both commands gradually ceased fire and one company at a
time left the trenches and quickly moved across the bridges into South
Carolina. The bridges were then sunk in place or cut loose from their moorings
by engineers, the last link setting adrift at 5:40 AM on December 21.
Union
Troops Enter the City
When
all firing ceased about 3 AM, forward skirmishers of a dozen different Union
regiments cautiously moved forward and dropped into the newly abandoned
Confederate positions. Sending word back of their discovery, a general advance
was soon ordered, and Shermanıs bummersı began moving east into the city
itself. The advance was led by USA Brigadier General John W. Gearyıs 2nd
Division (XX Corps). About 4:30 AM, as the last of Hardeeıs men were filtering
across the river to the north, USA Colonel Henry A. Barnum of the 3rd Brigade,
Gearyıs Division, encountered Savannah
Mayor Richard D. Arnold near the intersection of Louisville and Augusta
Roads. There the mayor handed the Union colonel a formal letter of surrender of
the city, addressed to Sherman:
³Savannah, Dec. 21, 1864
Maj. Gen. W.T. Sherman, Commanding U.S. Forces near Savannah:
Sir: The city of Savannah was last night evacuated by Confederate military and is now defenseless. As chief magistrate of the city I respectfully request your protection of the lives and private property of the citizens and of our women and children. Trusting that this appeal to your generosity and humanity may favorably influence your action, I have the honor to be, your obedient servant,
R.D. Arnold
Mayor of Savannah²
Barnumıs
men continued into the city, where as the rosy light of dawn appeared over the
horizon, the Stars and Stripes were once again raised over the U.S. Customs
house. Two brigades moved on east to take the newly abandoned post at old Fort
Jackson. As they entered and raised the national banner on the ramparts, the
Savannah, retreating downriver nearby, lobbed a few shells their way. Union
batteries returned fire, but these last shots of the campaign had no real
effect on either side.
Sherman
had been at Hilton Head Island nearby, conferring with Navy officers on the
next plan of action, and did not return to the city until late on the night of
December 21. Making his headquarters in the large, comfortable Green-Meldrin
House at Madison Square (still existent), he sends a telegram from the parlor
to President Lincoln the next day:
³Savannah, Ga., Dec. 22, 1864
His Excellency President Lincoln,
I beg to present to you, as a Christmas gift, the city of Savannah, with 150 heavy guns and plenty of ammunition, and also about 25,000 bales of cotton.
W.T. Sherman
Major General²
Ft.
Jackson
1
Fort Jackson Rd. * (912) 232-3945
Located
2 1/2 miles from the center of town on the (only) road out to Tybee Island,
this is the oldest standing brick fortress, built in 1808. The 20-foot high
walls contained five 32-pounder smooth bore cannon, one 32-pounder rifled gun,
two 8-inch Columbiads and one 12-pounder mountain howitzer, all manned during
the war by the 22nd Battalion of Heavy Artillery commanded by CSA Major Edward
Clifford Anderson (later the Mayor of Savannah). A small museum inside houses
displays centering on the Confederate naval history of the area, including
several about the CSS Georgia, whose watery grave is marked by a red buoy about
300 yards away in the Savannah River.
The
only action here during the war came in an 1862 brief skirmish with two Union
gunboats, and when it was fired upon by the CSS Savannah as Union troops raised
their flag atop it in December, 1864. The fort is open 9 AM to 5 PM daily
except Thanksgiving, Christmas and New Yearıs Day; admission is $2.50 for
adults, and $2 for seniors, active military and children six to 18.
Ft.
Pulaski National Monument
Construction
of this massive fortress began in 1829, partially under the direction of a new
graduate from West Point, 2nd Lieutenant Robert E. Lee. The 25 foot high, 7 1/2
foot thick walls required 18 years, 25 million bricks and then then-princely
sum of $1 million dollars to complete. The ³Third System² fort was armed with
48 heavy guns manned by 385 officers and men of the 1st Regiment of Georgia
Volunteers and the 25th Regiment of Georgia Regulars. Five 8-inch and four
10-inch Columbiads, one 24-pounder Blakely Rifle and two 10-inch seacoast
mortars stood on the ramparts facing Tybee Island; in the casements below one
8-inch Columbiad and four 32-pounder guns faced the seaward island. In
batteries outside the wall stood
two 12-inch and one 10-inch seacoast mortar to add to the fire that could be
directed against any seaward Union attack.
The
massive walls were thought to be impregnable to artillery fire, the only danger
of capture coming from a protracted siege. Post Commander CSA Colonel Charles
H. Olmstead carefully laid in over six months worth of rations to forestall
this possibility.
Union
troops landed and took over the abandoned emplacements on Tybee Island on
November 24, 1861, and soon began bringing in heavy guns to deal with Ft.
Pulaski. Secretly constructing 11 batteries on and around the island, by April,
1862, USA Major General Quincy A.
Gillmore, now in command on Tybee Island, was ready to begin his assault on the
massive fortress. In battery were 36 heavy guns, including a new weapon, the
James Rifled Cannon.
With
all in place, Gillmore called for the forts surrender. Olmstead merely replied,
³I am here to defend the fort, not surrender it.² Within minutes of the reply,
at 8:10 PM on April 10, 1862, Gillmore ordered his batteries to open fire. Two
84-pounder, two 64-pounder and one 48-pounder James Rifles along with 15
slightly smaller cannon and 14 heavy mortars fired a total of 5,275 shot and
shell at the fort in the next 31 hours.
With
the massive walls actually breached by the new rifled cannon in several places,
his rampart guns knocked off their mounts and useless and solid shot
threatening to penetrate to the powder magazines, at 2 PM on April 11, Olmstead
raised the white flag of surrender. The thousand-year era of masonry fortresses
as main defenses came to a sudden end.
The
old, still battered fort is now restored and operated by the National Park
Service, and open for tours. A small museum with a good bookstore contains a
bare handful of artifacts and some reasonably well-preserved regimental battle
flags, and there are several rather nice mini-museumsı within casements of the
fort itself.
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